Copyright 2010 Lisa Reynolds Wolfe.

HAVANA: THE EARLY TWENTIETH CENTURY

by Lisa Reynolds Wolfe on August 25, 2010

Havana, Cuba

The core area of Old Havana continued to prosper commercially during the period of US occupation (1898-1902) even though residential areas were in decline.

The dueling forces of an expanding business district and disintegrating living conditions contributed to an expansion of the city toward the West where other central spaces developed.

New elite neighborhoods were developed in nearby Centro Habana and in Cerro, and this process led to further decline in the residential areas of Old Havana.  Meanwhile, American authorities were concentrating on several projects which would also change the form of the city.

During the period of American occupation, the United States introduced at least five major public works projects:

  • they completed a network of water mains throughout the city
  • they expanded the networks of electric street lights, telephones, and natural gas
  • comprehensive systems of sewage and garbage collection were established
  • extended street paving facilitated the introduction of the automobile
  • the electric streetcar replaced the horse-drawn tram running through the new neighborhood of Vedado and was gradually extended throughout the inner city and some suburbs.

Perhaps the most influential was project was the design of the Malecon, a (now famous) waterfront boulevard linking Old Havana with the neighborhood of Vedado.

The Malecon area was connected by bridge to the community of Miramar in Marianao across the Almendares River.
The highway also enabled the development of Havana’s waterfront, and many wealthy habaneros soon set up residence there. It also facilitated the construction of summer homes for Havana’s elites in sparsely settled areas which later became ‘bedroom communities’.

Most importantly, the highway project, by launching the suburbanization of the city to the west and south, contributed to increasing stratification in the city.

Vedado, once a community of elites, became more densely settled, with the Almendares River serving as an edge to the city, forcing urbanization southward.

Expanded transportation networks led to the relocation of small factories and working-class residences in the newly urbanized areas, and other public works projects encouraged further expansion at the city’s edge.

This pattern of growth meant that by the mid-1930s, the urban poor were increasingly encroaching on Havana’s formerly exclusive suburban neighborhoods where parceled lands created small lots for non-elites.

Cerro lost its ‘snob’ appeal as workers sought housing close to its arsenal, factories, and port, and Centro Habana became home to Spanish immigrants, a new urban proletariat, and lower-middle class workers.

Moreover, as the city sprawled outward, squatter settlements emerged in the neighborhoods of Las Yaguas, La Timba, Cueva del Humo, and La Tamora. Despite attempts to construct low-income public housing, the situation worsened throughout the 1940s and 1950s.

Well-to-do habaneros were forced to rely on the geographical boundary provided by the Almendares River and the imposing dominance of Camp Columbia to keep the proletariat at bay. Further, while the physical shape of the city was being consciously altered, the population of  Havana was affected by other more subtle factors.

During the first 25 years of the 20th century, concurrent with the outward expansion of the city, two influences associated with the foreign-dominated sugar economy also impacted the urbanization process.

  • The first involved the development of the sugar latifundio with its concomitant increase in internal migratory workers who moved back and forth between Cuba’s rural and urban environments in search of work, flooding urban areas during the months of sugar harvest inactivity.
  • Second, a large number of unskilled workers began to migrate to Cuba, responding to inducements from landowners who were interested in minimizing the cost of labor.

These factors, in tandem, led to the development of a surplus labor market which produced a migratory movement to the cities.

The process was exacerbated by the following:

  • the cyclical character of the demand for labor
  • the displacement of small farmers from the land
  • the substitution of immigrants for Cuban rural workers
  • the introduction of improved, labor-saving technologies in the modern centrales (mills)
  • the disappearance of diversified agriculture with a consequent reduction in employment opportunities.

Many of Havana’s incoming migrants, shaped by the above forces, flowed into Old Havana where housing stock was not sufficient to meet the growing pressure. In fact, in the wake of Havana’s outward expansion, housing in Old Havana had entered a cycle of decline.

Along with the construction of the Malecon, the renewed commercial prosperity of the colonial core initiated changes in land use in Old Havana.

As increased trade with the United States resulted in more extensive activity in the harbor, the residential sector of the neighborhood continued to deteriorate, the ground floors of many residences were converted into warehouses, and housing was replaced by service sector structures.

Soon, the old palaces were divided into flats and then carved into rooms to rent.  Communal bathrooms were added, normally in the courtyards, allowing the structure to function as a ciudadela or “boarding house” which gradually became the predominant housing model.

About this time, also, more than 200 brothels emerged in Havana, mostly in close proximity to the port and business sector of the old city.  Also, as we have seen, shantytowns appeared on the fringes, providing shelter for the indigent, thieves, assassins, army deserters, freed slaves, and beggars.

In contrast, while the pressure on Old Havana’s housing mounted, the 1920s saw a growth in the commercial prosperity of the community.  This was led by the full consolidation of Cuba’s financial and banking sectors who were located in the area of Old Havana known as “Little Wall Street.”  This locale became an important symbol of the North Americanization which characterized the beginning of the Republican Period.

Other commercial and administrative activities remained clustered around the old plazas, and the area  took on increasing economic importance as the growth of the sugar trade spurred retail activity.  The port, also, remained important, a fact that should not have been surprising for Cuba has only seven major deep-water ports.

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HAVANA: FROM COLONIAL CITY TO INDEPENDENT METROPOLIS

by Lisa Reynolds Wolfe on August 20, 2010

Old Havana

Cuba was discovered by Christopher Columbus in 1492 and subsequently became a colony of Spain. In 1762 the city came under British rule, but it was soon returned to Spain in exchange for Florida.

Despite Spanish influence, Old Havana’s initial development did not follow the prescriptions for urban land use set out in the Laws of the Indies that were normally followed by Spanish colonies. These ‘laws’  prescribed a grid pattern of urban development emanating from a central place or Plaza Mayor. Instead, the urban structure of 17th century Havana developed according to a multi-centered system.

Activity in Old Havana revolved around several squares: the Plaza de Armas held the major military institutions; the Plaza de Catedral housed the church; commercial activities were concentrated around the Plaza Vieja; and the Plaza de San Francisco handled foreign trade.  Although lovely, almost imposing, residences had been integrated into the area, they were overshadowed by official buildings, churches, and palaces as well as by the commercial activities surrounding the port where economic activity was increasingly influenced by American investment.

Large-scale American ventures in Cuba began about 1890, reaching US $50 million in 1895.  By this time, the US was the island’s principal market for sugar exports. Direct North American investment was concentrated in the production of crude sugar for refineries in the US and, to a lesser degree, in such other enterprises as tobacco, mineral export (chiefly nickel), and transportation.

Cuba’s economy was so important to the US that when the Cuban War of Independence against Spain began in 1895 the US intervened to protect its interests.

Shortly after the US became involved in the struggle, Spain and the United States signed the Treaty of Paris transferring sovereignty of Cuba to the US.

Cuba was occupied by American troops from the end of the war in 1898 until 1902 when the island gained its independence. Subsequently, American influence on the island was strengthened when a US sponsored amendment, the Platt Amendment (1902-1934), was  incorporated into the new Cuban constitution.

Provisions of the amendment gave the United States the right to intervene in Cuba at will, greatly restricted Cuban sovereignty, and stimulated nationalist ferment. It became the basis for expansion of US nonmilitary intervention in Cuba’s political system.

A Treaty of Commercial Reciprocity (1903) was also signed, reviving the war-damaged sugar industry and facilitating its 17 fold expansion between 1900 and 1925.

According to provisions of this agreement, Cuban sugar received a 20 percent tariff reduction in the United States in exchange for reductions of 20 to 40 percent for US goods entering Cuba.

This reciprocity agreement consolidated the Cuban mode of development which was based on monoculture and large landholdings.  As previously noted, a substantial stake in the sugar industry was held by US capital which, by 1925, owned 41 percent of all mills, and controlled 60 percent of the harvest.

In a third agreement, Cuba agreed to lease the sites of Bahia Honda and Guantanamo to the United States. Guantanamo, occupying the easternmost tip of the island, became the site of a US naval base. Bahia Honda was later ceded by the United States in exchange for larger facilities at Guantanamo.

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HAVANA: AN EARLY URBANIZER

August 19, 2010

Cuba was an early urbanizer. By 1899, 28.5 percent of its population lived in localities of 20,000 or more inhabitants, a percentage slightly higher than that of the US (23.8 percent). In Latin America, only Argentina and Uruguay approximated that same level, having urban populations of 22.5 percent and 30.5 percent respectively. Accordingly, the country’s [...]

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HAVANA:POST WORLD WAR II AND LIMITED INDUSTRIALIZATION

August 5, 2010

The outbreak of the Korean War gave renewed life to Cuban sugar production. At the same time, Havana’s other economic sectors were stunted by widespread government corruption which served to inhibit economic transformation and entrench the sugar status quo. In this environment, trade unions pursued a policy of militant reformism as a way of safeguarding [...]

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HAVANA: SIN AZUCAR, NO HAY PAIS

August 4, 2010

The importance of sugar to the Cuban economy — and to the capital city of Havana — has been summed up in the widely quoted phrase sin azucar, no hay pais (without sugar, there is no nation). It is notable, then, that as World War II ended, circumstances surrounding the world market for sugar brought [...]

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HAVANA: THE 1940S

August 3, 2010

With a population of 935,650 inhabitants, 1945 Havana covered an area of 724 square kilometers. The city was composed of six counties or municipios: La Habana, Marianao, Regla, Guanabacoa, Santa Maria del Rosario, and Santiago de las Vegas. The six municipios had quite different characteristics. Like most cities in the developing world, post World War [...]

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HAVANA: A COLD WAR CITY?

August 2, 2010

The American made “staghound” tank occupies a place of honor on the campus of the University of Havana. Local yore says this tank was a Christmas gift from Eisenhower to Batista in 1957. The blinded vehicle is one of the few remaining artifacts of the military relationship which the Cuban government had with the United [...]

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